Every year, as a habit and just on the threshold of the anniversary of the June incidents, MKO’s leadership starts a series of measures, but this year can especially be of importance. The propaganda began much earlier with Rajavi’s serial speeches made in an effort to review the history and the relevant post-revolution incidents. Apart from whatever has been said and analyzed so far, there are historical evidences, approved by Rajavi himself, which can better shed light on the reasons and motives. Unlike Rajavi whose addressees were the present Iranian generation, ours involve not only the three generations who have been a witness of Rajavi’s misdeeds but today’s generation that are in need of accurate information.
From the day of Mojahedin’s declaring a ruthless armed struggle against the Islamic Republic through an issued military communiqué, Rajavi has always reiterated the necessity of waging the armed struggle and the accuracy of the taken decision. He has stated that any delay in taking the vital decision could have questioned its legitimacy and the destiny of the new intended revolution. He called it a juncture in the organization’s history of struggle and political life. Of course, it is not so hard to prove how Rajavi has erred based on the very same documents and organizational analyses. This is enough to have a mere look at the issued communiqué No. 25 to see what really motivated Rajavi to take the so-called vital decision that resulted in the organization’s falling away. (the words and sentences written in bold is for emphasis)
Political- Military Communiqué Issue 25
In the Name of the One and Almighty
The hero Iranian people – the Combatant people of Tehran
On Tuesday night June 16, the mercenaries of the reactionary with the support of several armed and club-wielder thugs, stormed the paternal house of the Mujahid brother Mehdi Abrishamchi and after beating the inhabitants, robbed part of the property and books in the house. At the same time, we are witnessing illegal arrests of the members of the presidential office whose names and the news of the arrests are not announced in some instances. Of course, they [the regime] are preparing a comprehensive plan of arresting progressive-seeking characters and antagonists of monopoly in the country. Mojahedin Khalq Organization, while protesting such unlawful and counterrevolutionary actions, thereby obtains permission from the hero Iranian people, and by the help of God, to adopt the most decisive revolutionary resistance through any possible means for the preservation of its members, especially those central cadres of the organization that are in fact considered a pivotal part of the people and revolution. It is obvious that from now on the responsibility for whatever happens during the revolutionary resistance is just and just on the monopolist reactionaries and on their club-wielders who intend to complete the unfinished plot of the traitor King and the notorious SAVAK to deracinate Mojahedin. As a result, whoever they might be and in any clothing they are they will deserve the toughest revolutionary punishment. Meanwhile, the Mojahedin Khalq Organization reserves the right, in case impossible to penalize the criminals while busy in their counterrevolutionary crimes, to deal with those responsible and their agents much more severely later on and as soon as possible. And the success comes all from Allah.
People’s Mojahedin of Iran
June 18, 1981-published in Mojahed issue 127
As noticed, the motivation behind the adopted armed policy that has converted the organization, in the past three decades, into one of the bloodiest, most notorious and violent political cults is based on a series of illusions and delusionary impressions as well as egocentric and narrow-minded fantasies and, of course, opportunistic ambitions. This is true only if we analyze Rajavi’s decision in the context as a made mistake and judge it as a strategic error. But now after nearly three decades it has become clear to many that Rajavi’s presence on the scene of the post-revolution social fluctuation and his relation with the ruling authority has been mainly aimed at bringing conditions and political situation to a deadlock that could eventually lead to military conflict and assuming political power at any price.
How a revolutionary and Muslim organization with all historical, theoretical, strategic and ideological experiences verdicts a revolutionary regime, just after 24 months of its initiation, as anti-social and anti-people is one of the questions that even at the moment many ideologically Marxist groups that had no interest in the ruling regime put before Rajavi. It is interesting to know that the only aligned party with the Mojahedin at the time was Peykar, a Marxist group emerged from the heart of the organization itself. Mojahedin’s phase of militarism started whereas tens of leftist political groups and organizations were unanimous in overthrowing the Islamic Republic, but because they had a more realistic look to the existing conditions, not only they showed no willing to declare strategic unity with Rajavi, but also began a principal and scientific criticism of Rajavi. On the other hand, there are evidences indicating that Rajavi was engaged in broad and comprehensive efforts to win the support of the known political characters, groups and Muslim organizations that were in opposite fronts and critiques of the regime. However, all efforts failed and those people are still alive to visit in order to approve the accuracy of claims.
Our referring to these points is to stress that Mojahedin’s announced communiqué No. 25 was from the very beginning based on groundless claims and distortions and that it was a decision taken long before it was declared contrary to the alibi stated. Such a childish claim standing as infrastructural for a big decision denotes nothing but Rajavi’s political naivety and lack of rationality in someone who claims to lead an opponent organization. Even if we accept that, as claimed in the announcement, the assault of the armed thugs and their storm into Abrishamchi’s father house was the excuse for the decision, it is in itself an indication of Rajavi’s trivial degree of political weight and his inconsistency and incredibility of political, ideological, and strategic decision makings and the absurd motivation behind them. The simplistic logic of this story will be that Rajavi sacrificed the entire future and perspective of the revolution for a sheer misunderstanding and a childish game if we accept that he is truthful in what states in the announcement. However, Rajavi had already stressed on the role of SAVAK agents in masterminding similar events and issued warnings against their threat, interference and infiltration; the organization’s publications were full of notifications and statements and analyses in this regard is at the time. Pretending such a prudent and discreet man caring for revolution, Rajavi’s consequent decision more than anything implies an apparent contradiction which suggests retardation of Rajavi in understanding and evaluating of the social and political conditions and circumstances and his inability to recognize friends from the foes. There are much more to talk about in this regard.
